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Not The End Of History? 

 Democracy & Various Heretical Arguments

 for Liberal Authoritarianism

Essay, William Hooper, February 2008, Update August 2008

Introduction

Winston Churchill wrote "It has been said that democracy is the worst form of government except all the others that have been tried". These days, however, the vast majority of intellectuals no longer see democracy as a sort of necessary evil in the way Churchill did. Instead, today’s thinkers are generally passionate supporters of democracy. In 1989 Francis Fukuyama famously summed up his euphoric modern viewpoint with an essay entitled "The End Of History":

"The notion that mankind has progressed through a series of primitive stages of consciousness on his path to the present, and that these stages corresponded to concrete forms of social organization, such as tribal, slave-owning, theocratic, and finally democratic-egalitarian societies, has become inseparable from the modern understanding of man... [We may be in the process of witnessing] the end of history as such: that is, the end point of mankind's ideological evolution and the universalization of Western liberal democracy as the final form of human government."

Not only is democracy now generally believed to be the most enlightened form of government, it is also believed to be the only form of government able to offer long term economic prosperity. Therefore, on material grounds alone, it is believed that the masses will eventually rebel against any other system, making democracy the only sustainable form of government.

However, this widely accepted claim that no other system can thrive is now being increasingly challenged by the economic success of authoritarian China and semi-authoritarian Russia and Singapore.

Most orthodox thinkers still see the success of China as an anomaly that can not last. They believe that corruption is endemic to the authoritarian system and this will eventually cause economic growth in China to stall. The logic works as follows: Darwinian style competition for selfish profit is a vital driver of growth and creativity; this process of 'creative destruction' requires a free market; but a free market can not exist in a corrupt system. Indeed economic historians point out that many regimes in the past, eg Russia under Stalin and Italy under Mussolini, showed initially high growth rates after adopting an authoritarian model and then fell into decline.

A few semi-orthodox thinkers still believe that democracy offers the best form of government but acknowledge that the authoritarian model may be more sustainable than previous believed. Perhaps the level of corruption endemic to the authoritarian system has been overestimated, perhaps also other economic factors benefit from authoritarianism which mitigates the corruption issue. For example: Robert Kagan, foreign-policy analyst at the Carnegie Endowment for International Peace, has said: “We lived under the illusion that economic success required political liberalisation. All the optimism of the 1990s rested on this assumption. Now it appears that the causality is less certain. Autocratic governments can sustain economic growth, and indeed their economic success helps them sustain their autocracy. This means, if nothing else, that we must be ready for a world in which powerful autocracies endure and perhaps even thrive... The old struggle, the one that long predated the Cold War, has returned.”

It's still very much a nascent movement, but a third group of real heretics, drawn primarily from the world of financial markets, are now arguing that the spectacular economic success of "The China Model", which has been sustained for almost 30 years now, and which dwarfs the achievement of emerging democracies such as India, demonstrates that authoritarianism can, in fact, deliver higher levels of economic growth than democracy even in the longer term. These heretics argue that we must learn from China's example and we must recognise that our increasingly politicised democracies are failing us. The United Kingdom is the oldest modern democracy and it typifies the decline. Long ago the disproportionate wealth of the elite allowed them to present the people with a limited selection of candidates supported by patronage, and the UK flourished as a democratic oligarchy. In the 1920s Trade Unions upended this system by creating the Labour Party. Today UK politics is firmly in the control of the masses and many feel the quality of policy making has fallen to an all time low, meanwhile the economy appears to be in terminal decline. Heretics believe we urgently need to change course.

The heretics argue that if it becomes clear that a more authoritarian system offers significant economic advantages it will eventually become popular. Suppose, for the purposes of argument, that an authoritarian system did offer higher rates economic growth, lower rates of unemployment, better infrastructure, more efficient government spending, lower taxes and higher standard of living. Would people accept these many advantages in return for reduced policy responsibility?

The heretics argue they would. In support of this they point out that people who have lived in several countries usually put concern with taxation and economic growth far ahead of politics and appear almost equally happy with any modern civilised government. For example, low tax regimes such as Monaco and Singapore are popular even though they are not democracies. Also, aside from Switzerland few countries hold many referendums, yet people do not appear to miss this greater democratic power. In addition, most Westerners are unhappy with their elected government anyway. If the worlds oldest and richest Democracies are led by unpopular and untalented leaders such as George Bush and Gordon Brown, is it any wonder that elected governments in Pakistan quickly loose popular support? The Chinese government is, by contrast, extremely popular with its people (although critics complain this is because dissenting opinion is crushed).

Many will immediately ask: "If democracy is so bad why is the USA so rich?". The heretics argue that the USA’s economic success over the last couple of hundred years is in fact less about democracy than it is about policy gridlock which has kept the government small and allowed the markets to flourish (indeed the more democratic countries of Europe have fared worse). However, they also argue that future challenges, such as raising government revenue to provide universal healthcare and social security benefits to retirees, will require genuine and bold government policy responses that are very difficult to make in a democracy.

In November 2006 Stephen Roach, chief economist at Morgan Stanley, wrote an article called “Wrong Time for Gridlock”. He said “Conventional wisdom in financial markets has it that gridlock is good [Stocks rally when the house/senate/president are split between parties]. The implicit assumption is that with a dynamic US economy in such great shape the best thing that Washington can do is nothing… But there are also circumstances which demand leadership and decisive policy actions. This is one of those times…” The inability of policy gridlock to address the challenges faced by the US is the reason some smart investors turned bearish of the dollar in 2001 and are still bearish today.

Heretics point out that a gridlocked system is less democratic, since elected representatives have less power, and if the USA does owe much of it's success to gridlock, then the case for limiting democracy is obviously proved. The argument can only be about the degree to which democracy should be reigned back. Indeed, most intellectuals, if really pushed, would have to admit that dramatically extending referendums in policy making would probably damage growth and prosperity.

Much of what follows is therefore a discussion of the possible economic advantages of increasing authoritarianism. The challenges of building a less democratic government, which include the selection and removal of politicians, the prevention of corruption, excessive utilitarianism and resistance to change are discussed at the end of this article. Heretics certainly acknowledge these challenges, but they also propose possible solutions. Please remember that Liberal Authoritarian models attempt to tone down democracy, they certainly do not wish to create an entirely authoritarian country governed by a despotic emperor who rules by fear. Liberal Authoritarianism is a new idea but some are experimenting with the idea. President Musharraf, for example, described himself as a liberal authoritarian. He missed few opportunities to extol the virtues of a free press and did more than any leader in Pakistan's history to make that freedom available with his decision to open up the airwaves and allow a mushrooming of cable channels. He also believed in freedom of religion, fought against violent extremism and was never credibly accused of corruption unlike his democratically elected predecessors. He worked closely with the IMF instituting many laudable reforms that boosted economic growth. Eventually he reintroduced democracy, but after Bhutto's assassination he lost popular support. Now that he has relinquished the helm many feel the country is again headed toward disaster.

Ancient Greece - Democracy, War and Moral Decline

Today the heretic arguments against democracy are about economics, in Ancient Greece they were about war. Weak nations fell to stronger ones in a Darwinian process, and good government was primarily that which could survive. By 430BC the Greek World had largely divided itself into two great alliances, one headed by the brash wealthy democracy of Athens, one by the old fashioned kingdom of Sparta. Politics in Ancient Greece, just as today, was largely divided into two political parties. However, instead of Socialists-Capitalists, they had Democrats-Authoritarians. Also, as today, the poor tended to vote for one party (Democracy) and the rich tended to vote for the other.

"The History of the Peloponnesian War" by the Athenian Thucydides describes the terrible war that broke out between them. By the end of this war, which was said to have the largest and deadliest ever fought at that time, Athens was reduced to a state of near-complete subjection, while Sparta was established as the leading power of Greece. In the process democracy all but disappeared from Ancient Greece.

Beginning in about 600BC, many small Greek city-states, which had previously been oligarchies, became "direct democracies" in which every citizen could vote on every issue of government. There were no representatives in this system, instead, citizens ruled themselves directly. This was almost a total democracy except for the fact that women and slaves were not considered citizens and were not allowed to vote.

In 430BC Athens had 40,000 citizens and policy was decided at the Assembly which met several times per month usually with around 5,000 citizens in attendance. Government wasn't a spectator sport, ordinary citizens were expected to know enough about "world affairs" to make complex decisions. Any citizen could get up and speak, and we know from historical records that they did so. Government jobs were allocated to citizens for one year by lot. The Athenians had a name for one who opted out, who withdrew into his home and family or occupation, and didn't participate in this community. They called him an "idiotes", a "private person", and these people were looked down upon and said to be incapable of developing into really fine human beings. The Greeks believed completely in self perfection and self sacrifice for their community.

At the very top of the Athenian system were 10 military generals who were elected instead of being chosen by lot. The Athenians recognized the ability of Pericles and year in year out re-elected him as one of their generals. He became the most influential citizen although he never held a formal title such as President.

Athens became by far the most powerful and cultured city-state in Greece. However, by 430BC many had begun to question the democratic model. Reading Thucydides one can not fail to be impressed by both the intellectual and moral sophistication of Greek debate. Nevertheless, many felt that Athens had deteriorated and was embracing increasingly populist policy. Much of her wealth was extracted from her neighbours whom she was accused of treating unfairly. Sparta, although insular and much less wealthy, was respected for retaining the old fashioned Greek values, such as idealism and virtue, which the citizens of Athens were now accused of increasingly lacking. When Athens fell to Sparta many rejoiced and her downfall was said to have been supported and predicted by the Gods.

Explaining the fall of Athens, which occurred in spite of its vast wealth, Thucydides writes:

Pericles indeed, by his rank, ability, and known integrity, was enabled to exercise an independent control over the multitude--in short, to lead them instead of being led by them; for as he never sought power by improper means, he was never compelled to flatter them, but, on the contrary, enjoyed so high an estimation that he could afford to anger them by contradiction. Whenever he saw them unseasonably and insolently elated, he would with a word reduce them to alarm; on the other hand, if they fell victims to a panic, he could at once restore them to confidence. In short, what was nominally a democracy became in his hands government by the first citizen. With his successors it was different. More on a level with one another, and each grasping at supremacy, they ended by committing even the conduct of state affairs to the whims of the multitude... [many blunders then led to defeat]

The philosopher Socrates was both the leading intellectual of the day and a hero of the 400BC Peloponnesian War who fought for Athens. Socrates also criticised the democratic system which he considered culpable. His most intellectually accomplished student, Plato, wrote the 'The Republic', an influential work of philosophy and political theory in which he proposed rule by a 'Philosopher King' (later Plato moved away from the idea of concentrating power in the hands of a single individual and instead advocated an elite governing body).

Plato categorised the political systems of the time, in increasing order of injustice, as:

(a) Timocracy: A city ruled by an idealistic, disciplined, proud and honour loving warrior class. Sparta was the prime example. Although he considered this to be the most admirable of the existing systems, Plato believed the aspirational push on the masses was flawed as it did not focus on open minded intellectual refinement, but rather some ossified vision of honour or goodness. Perhaps we can think of Timocracy as a quasi-religious society. Plato's dream was to take the next step and build a less traditional society ruled by a elite class of enlightened philosophers. In the Republic he speculates what structure a theoretically perfect society might take. His radical ideas include the collective upbringing of children who do not even know whom their parents are, which should promote a more advanced sense of brotherhood.

(b) Oligarchy: A government in the hands of a wealthy subset of the productive class. This society, Plato said, is characterised by an appetite for wealth, but appetites are at least to a degree reined in, leading to a careful and orderly albeit highly materialistic character. We can see how Plato considered Oligarchy to be a less idealistic and more materialistic society than Timocracy. In Greek history, or mythology, we have the era of heroes and aristocrats described by Homer giving way to wealthy merchantman and modern materialism.

(c) Democracy: A state in which any member can participate equally, according to his wishes. He believed that so much freedom and the lack of a upwardly guiding force led to disorder, moral decline, even in the very long term, chaos and tyranny.

(d) Tyranny: A state with a single ruthless dictator, who maintains rule by force and fear. Society looses all upward push, becomes utterly un-idealistic, ruthless, often perverse and sometimes violent.

For a feeling of life in democratic Athens, consider this quote from Plato's Republic:

Democracy?... In the first place, are they not free, is not the city full of freedom and frankness, a man may say and do what he likes. And where freedom is, the individual is clearly able to order for himself his own life as he pleases. Thus in this kind of State there will be the greatest variety of human natures. This, then, seems likely to be the fairest of States, being an embroidered robe which is spangled with every sort of flower. And just as women and children think a variety of colours to be of all things most charming, so there are many men to whom this State, which is spangled with the manners and characters of mankind, will appear to be the fairest of States... Is not their humanity to the condemned in some cases quite charming. Have you not observed how, in a democracy, many persons, although they have been sentenced to death or exile, just stay where they are and walk about the world -- the gentleman parades like a hero, and nobody sees or cares?... Is not this a way of life which for the moment is supremely delightful...

Eventually we find... complete equality and liberty in relations between the sexes... the father standing in awe of his son, and the son neither respecting nor fearing his parents, in order to assert what he calls independence... the teacher fears and panders to his pupils, who in turn despise their teachers and attendants... You would never believe - unless you had seen it for yourself - how much more liberty the domestic animals have in a democracy. The dog comes to resemble is mistress, as the proverb has it. They are in the habit of walking about the streets with a grand freedom, and bump into people they meet if they don't get out of their way. Everything is full of this spirit of liberty....

What it adds up to is this, you find that the minds of the citizens become so sensitive that the least vestige of restraint is resented as intolerable, till finally, as you know, in their determination to have no master they disregard all laws written or unwritten.


Thus Plato describes how democracy deteriorates. At first it's a light hearted disregard for the ideals of statesmanship and honour, but gradually the decline becomes progressively more serious. Perhaps one could say that Democracy is the most philosophically attractive system, but it fails to take into account the tendency of humans, without upward pressure, to languor and decline.

For a feeling of life in authoritarian Sparta, by contrast, consider this quote about the education of male children:

A child deemed worth raising is given to its mother to be cared for until the age of 7, although during the day, it accompanies its father... picking up Spartan customs by osmosis... Children are barefoot to encourage them to move swiftly, and they are encouraged to learn to withstand the elements by having only one outfit. Children are never satiated with food or fed fancy dishes.

At the age of 7 the boys are organized into divisions 60 strong, living in barracks under the supervision of an elder youth. There they are encouraged to give their loyalty to their fellows rather than their families. They are intentionally underfed and if they want more food must hunt or raid. After dinner, the boys sing songs of war, history, and morality, or the eiren quizzes them, training their memory, logic, and ability to speak laconically. The boys play ball games, ride, swim, wrestle and do gymnastics. They sleep on reeds and suffer floggings -- silently, or they suffer them again.

At 18, the young men become reserve members of the Spartan army. At 20 they become full members and are finally permitted to marry but continue to live in barracks and compete for a place among the the royal guard of honour. Any who do not successfully pass through the agoge [educational system] are denied Spartan citizenship.


Sparta did not produce philosophers like Socrates, historians like Thucydides or artists like Phidias, that was not its goal, instead it produced the best fighters in the world. Their extreme bravery has been immortalised by the film "The 300 Spartans" which tells the story of a small unit who willingly sacrificed their lives by engaging the entire Persian Army. Their formidable fighting prowess blocked the only road through which the massive invading army could pass, delaying the Persian assault for three days, giving the Athenian fleet time to prepare, and possibly saving the entire Greek world from defeat.

It is said that Spartan King Leonidas who commanded the small unit was convinced that he would die. He told his wife who, after encouraging him, asked what she should do afterwards. He replied "Marry a good man and have good children". The Persian King Xerxes laughed when he saw the small force but his advisers warned him "they are as brave as any man living, and together they are the best warriors on earth". Xerxes sent emissaries offering to make Leonidas ruler of all Greece if he joined with him. Leonidas answered: "If you had any knowledge of the noble things of life, you would refrain from coveting others' possessions; but for me to die for Greece is better than to be the sole ruler over the people of my race". It is said that when one of the Spartan soldiers was told the Persian arrows would be so numerous as "to block out the sun", he responded with a characteristically laconic remark, "so we shall fight in the shade".

We can see that Ancient Greece was a time of intense idealism, personal self sacrifice and social cohesion. Democracy was accused of corrupting this structure, of creating moral decline and cowardice. Perhaps we can say that Plato was a modernist who rebelled against historical traditions and proffered an advanced new values system based on progressive intellectual and spiritual analysis. This elite revolutionary movement began in the democracy of Athens, but the philosophy that took hold of the masses was instead a postmodernism in which traditions were simply discarded without a compensating new value system. As this un-idealistic philosophy took hold society gradually failed, both as a result of internal chaos and Darwinian competition with its neighbours. Some will see a parallel with what they consider to be today’s increasingly rudderless democratic societies. Many Westerners find the self sacrificing idealism of the Chinese people so extraordinary they can only attribute it to government indoctrination.

One of my favourite moral dilemmas which I ask people in both the West and the East is this: Suppose, hypothetically, it was discovered that your blood, and your blood alone, by some genetic anomaly, contained the cure for Aids. Unfortunately, in order to mass produce the cure the government must take your life. Would you volunteer? The majority of people in the West say no. In China almost everyone says yes. This Western moral choice would have been inconceivable both to the old fashioned Spartans and more modern idealists like Plato. I suspect too, that even our great grandparents would have been horrified.

From “China Today”:

In many cultures it is taboo to raise the topic of death in everyday discourse, but this is not the case with the Chinese people. To them life and death are a common conversational topic. Their matter of fact approach is illustrated in the sayings: "Human life is nothing but a stage over which the sun and the moon function as two spotlights"... "Life is not to be rejoiced as death is not to be resented".

This could be construed as negative on the grounds that it encourages hopeless passivity at the prospect and inevitability of death, viewing life as something to be muddled through in the comforting knowledge, as described in the Chinese saying, that "The misery one suffers in life is no worse or greater than the death of their heart". Waiting for the Damocles sword of death to fall and make an end of it means that to be or not to be is no longer a question, as living life this way is in itself a kind of death.

From another point of view, however, the Chinese Daoist attitude toward death can engender a positive life stance. Acceptance of death's inevitability gives rise to a sense of meaning and purpose in the natural passage from birth to death that motivates a person to make the most out of it, treasuring every minute. The knowledge that time is on the wing and can never be recaptured creates a sense of mission and social commitment. The resultant redoubling of effort and hard work so as to live life to the full extends the significance of an existence within society into history. Transcending the mortal limitations that arise from the mystique of death thus makes it possible to handle hardship, difficulty, misery and suffering. This, in turn, creates a particular mindset, most obvious in revolutionaries and religious martyrs, who willingly devote their waking hours to worthy causes and sacrifice themselves for the sake of their ideals. In Confucianism there is also the idealized character junzi (superior man), who is expected to give up his life unthinkingly in the interests of preservation and advancement of humanity. Such a spirit of devotion can arise only from a positive conception of death.


This article mentions also the concept of the “superior man”. Plato’s objections to democracy revolve around the inequality of mankind and the quest for perfection which is a central feature of many Eastern religions. Christianity teaches equality and utopia, all good men go to heaven, are equal in the eyes of the Lord and perfect (divine redemption). Adherents of reincarnation believe instead in spiritual progression (self redemption), in this framework there is no equality or complete perfection. These two opposing world views, one active, one passive, are said to underlie the right wing vs left wing political viewpoint.

Returning to earth, the Greeks also objected to Democracy on purely practical grounds. Democratic decision making was too often seen as flawed, and faced with the difficult decisions that had to be made during the Peloponnesian War it led to defeat. Here is a very famous quote from Plato's Republic about the problems of democratic politicking:

Suppose the following to be the state of affairs on board a ship or ships. The captain is larger and stronger than any of the crew, but a bit deaf and short-sighted, and similarly limited in seamanship. The crew are quarrelling with each other about how to navigate the ship, each thinking he ought to be at the helm; yet they have never learned the art of navigation and cannot say anyone ever taught it them, or that they spent any time studying it; indeed they say it can’t be taught and are ready to murder anyone who says it can. They spend all their time milling round the captain and doing all they can to get him to give them the helm. If one faction is more successful than another, their rivals may kill them and throw them overboard, lay out the honest captain with drugs or drink or in some other way, take control of the ship, help themselves to what’s on board, and turn the voyage into the sort of drunken pleasure-cruise you would expect. Finally, they reserve their admiration for the man who knows how to lend a hand in controlling the captain by force or fraud; they praise his seamanship and navigation and knowledge of the sea and condemn everyone else as useless. They have no idea that the true navigator must study the seasons of the year, the sky, the stars, the winds and all other subjects appropriate to his profession if he is to be really fit to control a ship...

All those mercenary individuals, whom the many call Sophists and whom they [criticize for spin and deception]... in fact, teach nothing but the opinion of the many... I might compare them to a Wild Animal Trainer who must study the tempers and desires of the mighty strong beast he feeds, must learn how to approach and handle him, also at what times and from what causes he is dangerous or the reverse, and what is the meaning of his several cries, and by what sounds, when another utters them, he is soothed or infuriated. And you may suppose further, that when, by continually attending upon him, he has become perfect in all this, he calls this knowledge wisdom, and makes of it a system or art, which he proceeds to teach, although he has no real notion of what he means by the principles or passions of which he is speaking, but calls this honourable and that dishonourable, or good or evil, or just or unjust, all in accordance with the tastes and tempers of the great brute he tends. Good he pronounces to be that in which the beast delights and evil to be that which he dislikes; and he can give no other account of them except that the just and noble are the necessary, having never himself seen, and having no power of explaining to others the nature of either, or the difference between them, which is immense...

Do you really think, as people so often say, that our youth are corrupted by Sophists... Are not the public...the greatest of all Sophists? Do they not... fashion them after their own hearts? When they ... sit down at assembly... and there is a great uproar, and they praise some things which are being said or done, and blame other things, equally exaggerating both, shouting and clapping their hands, and the sound of their praise or blame echoes and redoubles around the assembly -- at such a time will not a young man's heart, as they say, leap within him? Will any training enable him to stand firm against this overwhelming flood of popular opinion? Or will he be carried away? Thus, will he do as they do, and as they are, such will he be?

All this has parallels with the 20th Century rise of the "Political Class" which refers to a shift in the balance of power away from the establishment and towards a new generation of professional politicians whose policy much more closely reflects the opinions of the voting public. For example, critics accuse the UK Prime Minister Tony Blair elected in 1997 of introducing new levels of 'spin' to democratic government. Blair developed very close relations with the media and employed a tabloid newspaper editor as government spokesman. Opinion polls suggest the next elected prime minister of the UK may be David Cameron. He claims to be the "Heir to Blair", similarly courts the media and engages in spin, and was once famously caught demonstrating his commitment to the environment by cycling to work while a Lexus carrying his briefcase secretly followed behind. Although the general public complain about spin, they clearly fail to work with political argument at much more than the superficial or emotional level, which is, of course, the cause of the problem. This is not to say that education levels today are worse than before, in the past the general public probably tended to set more store by the perceived personality of their King than they did his policy. The Roman Emperor Caligula was popular with his people because, like Princess Dianna, he projected an endearing public profile, neither his real personality nor his policy making actually deserved merit.

In 300BC Plato's student Aristotle argued that rule should be by an elite consisting of propertied citizens, judged by their fellows to be worthy, and willing to abstain from trade and pursue virtue over all else. Aristotle taught Philip II of Macedonia and his son Alexander the Great. Philip conquered all of Greece, and the insatiably ambitious Alexander, at the head of a united army, went on to the conquer much of the known world. Unlike the Spartans, Alexander's philosophy was not at all nationalistic, which gave him much greater strength as opponents were fully absorbed as equals into his empire and his armies. Alexander did not consider himself a tyrant, but rather a liberator. Much to the shock of his people he said: "I only distinguish people by their virtues... I consider all peoples, black or white, as equals... I wish you to be my partners and not just members of our commonwealth...". To an even greater extent that the Spartan-Athenian conflict, Alexander's extraordinary achievement probably demonstrated that, if the goal of government is simply military power, authoritarianism was, in Ancient Greece, by far the superior form of government.

More recently examples of outstanding military success under authoritarian government include the achievements of the evil dictator Stalin in turning a poor rural society into an industrialised superpower capable of defeating another autocratic superpower, Hitler's Germany.

Shortly after the 1917 Russian Revolution in which Tsar Nicholas II was deposed the Bolsheviks took power. They called their economic policy "War Communism". All industry was nationalized, private enterprise became illegal and food was distributed in a centralized way. Strict discipline was introduced and strikers could be shot. The results were disastrous and by 1922 industrial output was just 13% of its pre World War One level. Lenin then introduced the "New Economic Policy" which restored some measure of private enterprise especially in agriculture. Eventually agricultural and industrial production was restored to its pre World War One level.

In 1928 Joseph Stalin took control and replaced the New Economic Policy with a series of "Five-Year Plans". These called for a highly ambitious program of state-guided crash industrialization and the collectivisation of agriculture. Stalin employed foreign experts, e.g. British engineer Stephen Adams, to instruct workers and improve manufacturing processes.

With seed capital unavailable and virtually no modern infrastructure, Stalin's government financed industrialization by confiscating wealth and reducing wages. By 1933 workers' real earnings sank to about one-tenth of the 1926 level. The death toll from famine in the Soviet Union at this time is estimated at between five and ten million people. In addition vast numbers of people were essentially enslaved and forced to do unpaid labour. The archives record that about 800 thousand were executed, 1.7 million died in the Gulag and 400 thousand perished during forced resettlement.

The brutal policy was, however, successful and achieved rapid industrialization from a very low economic base. Stalin essentially created an economic super power from a third world country, but at horrendous cost. Without Stalin, Hitler probably would have won the war. Stalin's army killed more German soldiers than Churchill's or Roosevelt's.

It is true that Russia subsequently declined, but Stalin's adoption of naive socialist economic policy made this inevitable. After Russia the UK contributed the most to Hitler's defeat, but Churchill also adopted many authoritarian policies in order to win the war.

Socialism, NIMBYism, and the Environment

The expansion of the democratic Roman Republic put the average Italian's income under increasing pressure from foreign competition. The rich, however, with investments abroad, profited from this "globalisation", thus income inequality rose dramatically. In 130BC two politicians, the brothers Gracchus, sought to parcel out public land to dispossessed peasant farmers. Many wealthy senators feared the brother's policy, and both eventually met a violent death. Nevertheless, the popularity of redistributive policy was not crushed, and the succeeding era of instability and civil war eventually left people so exhausted by the democratic process that in 44BC the popular politician Julius Caesar was made “Dictator for Life”.

After abandoning democracy, Rome grew more quickly despite the occasional bad emperor such as Caligula (In fact Rome had a primitive safeguard against poor Emperors - the Praetorian Guard simply murdered them. Such was Caligula's fate after just fours year. He was replaced with Claudius, an able Emperor whose legacy includes the conquest of Britain). The empire is though to have reached the zenith of its power around 180AD during the reign of the “five good emperors”. Edward Gibbon, in “The History of the Decline and Fall of the Roman Empire” describes this period as follows: "If a man were called to fix the period in the history of the world during which the condition of the human race was most happy and prosperous, he would, without hesitation, name that which elapsed from the death of Domitian to the accession of Commodus. The vast extent of the Roman Empire was governed by absolute power, under the guidance of virtue and wisdom". Heretics today do not, of course, advocate an emperor; but the point being made here is that historical analysis frequently does not support the economic superiority of democracy.

History began repeating itself in 1848 when the Russian philosopher Karl Marx and German philosopher Frederick Engels argued, amongst other things, for "common ownership of the means of production". Marxism challenged and changed government around the world. Russia eventually became a socialist dictatorship under the Bolsheviks, and many countries in Western Europe became increasingly socialist democracies.

Eventually socialism was proven economically unviable regardless of its philosophical attractiveness. Instead of common ownership, competition for capital in an unequal world turned out to be vital in ensuring both motivation and efficient allocation. Socialism did not necessarily leave its people starving, but it left them so much poorer than their neighbours that they rebelled against it. Furthermore, it ran contrary to man's competitive nature and socialist countries were forced to adopt increasingly brutal techniques for keeping public order in the face of public resistance.

Heretics draw parallels between socialism and democracy. They are both egalitarian systems (material / political equality) that fail to offer a mechanism by which power can be allocated efficiently. If democracy fails in business, why should it work in government? Are not the challenges of government just as hard as those in the world of business? Democracy is certainly an anathema to Military. Students are not allocated marks on the basis of democracy, their more learned professors decide. Democracy doesn't rule human family relations, nor relations in the Animal Kingdom. Indeed, how many large successful organizations in any field really employ democracy? For all the modern idealism Churchill's idea of necessary evil keep creeping back. Is democracy in fact a singularly unsuccessful model which is unapplied to any other field of endeavour, but which exists in government only to prevent greater evil? If so, is every other possible model really so at risk of greater evil?

It is ironic that the fall of the socialist soviet union is so often offered as evidence of the economic superiority of democracy, when in fact, both socialism and democracy share so many parallels. The leading authoritarian power of today, China, has long since abandoned socialism. The inability of most emerging democracies to follow its example partly explains the vast growth differential.

What about the USA? Although socialism was popular with the masses many in the elite feared it. Where the elite resisted the will of the masses popular revolt often ended in socialist tyranny. Government in the USA also resisted the popular tide, eg with the 1918 Sedition Act, but much more effectively. Indeed the fight against socialism and communism became a cornerstone of American policy. Up until at least the 1990s the USA was arguably the least socialist country in the world, even today it remains the only major industrialised nation without universal heath care. Arguably the economic success of the USA today once hinged on the ability of its politicians to manipulate or override their public. Alan Greenspan has described democracy as a safety release value. In the USA, a notionally democratic system manipulated by the elite allowed the air to escape safely from the socialist pressure cooker. Thus the entire cold war, escalated by the US, did not necessarily reflect a genuine reflection of the Soviet threat, but rather a fight, by the American elite, to suppress a political system which the masses would have embraced (this is before George Bush, he probably represents the end of US establishment politics and the real beginning of popular Democracy). However, although this smoke screen of fear and misinformation had the laudable goal of manipulating democracy, the loss of transparency became so great that even the elite began to loose clarity. Today these dangers stalk Putin, and some modern Liberal Authoritarians are more wary. 

In the UK, by contrast, thanks to the creation of the Labour party which was funded by the Trade Unions, democratic government began embracing socialism in the 1920s. Ramsay MacDonald rose from humble origins to become the first Labour Prime Minister in 1924 although his first government lasted less than one year. Labour returned to power in 1929 but was soon overwhelmed by the crisis of the Great Depression. In 1931 he formed a "National Government" in which a majority of MPs were from the Conservatives. As a result, he was expelled from the Labour Party who accused him of 'betrayal'. Nevertheless, socialism had taken root.

At the end of the Second World War the pace of socialist change in the UK picked up considerably. Experts in financial markets began moving funds offshore, eg investment in the non-democratic UK colony of the Bahamas boomed. The Attlee government responded to this capital flight with foreign exchange controls which lasted for the next 30 years or so. By the 1970s the UK was one of the most socialist countries in the advanced world with a marginal rate of income tax peaking at 98%. Some socialist policies, such as the creation of the Nation Health Service, were successful; but many others were not. Indeed, the economic health of the nation deteriorated to such an extent that in 1976 the UK was put onto an IMF program. Eventually the UK electorate tired of socialism and in 1979 they elected as Prime Minister the pragmatic right wing politician Margaret Thatcher. Thatcher’s reforms, which were based on received economic wisdom rather than ground breaking new ideas, eventually transformed the UK from being one of the poorest countries in Western Europe to one of the wealthiest. France never sank as low as the UK in the 1970s, consequently the electorate have not fully tired of socialism, therefore they still refuse to allow Thatcherite reforms in France, and as a result they are poorer than the UK electorate today. Critics of democracy claim that this example typifies the erratic and snail paced evolution of democratic economic policy.

On a more micro level the potential advantages of authoritarian infrastructure / planning permission decisions are even more apparent. It is interesting to compare Beijing's new airport with Heathrow’s Terminal 5 in the UK. China's stunning new airport was designed by Normal Foster and is currently over twice as large as the next largest airport in the world (including Heathrow Terminals 1-5 added together). The total time from design, through construction, to opening of the airport was just four years. By contrast the possibility of a new Heathrow terminal was first mooted in 1982. In 1989 an architect was selected to design it. In 1992 BAA announced it would be submitting a planning application. In 1993 the application was submitted. In 1995 a public enquiry began considering it. In 1999 they gave the go ahead. In 2001 the government validated the result and gave the project planning permission. In 2008 construction was completed and the airport opened. The democratic process arguably turned a 4 year project into a 25 year project. Even after all this, no new runways were built at Heathrow leaving the problem of chronic congestion undressed. Many experts also argue that replacing Heathrow with a new airport in the Thames Estuary linked by a high speed train to central London (China’s maglev airport train could make the journey in fifteen minutes) would be a much better option not least because flight paths over land could be virtually abolished. However, UK politicians regard this option as hopelessly ambitious and therefore impractical in the democratic UK regardless of its theoretical advantages.

Many people on all sides of the debate believe that the democratic model is struggling to respond to three huge issues: globalisation, climate change and the depletion of natural resources. The democratic system can not easily adapt to a radically changing world in which difficult and painful decisions have to be made. For example, heavily unionised US car manufacturers are left trailing by foreign competitors. In the African county of Mali the average woman gives birth to 7.38 children, but in authoritarian China the ‘One Child Policy’ has cut fertility rates from over 5 births per woman to 1.7 today. Although global warming threatens the planet, the irrational masses in democratic Europe continue to fight over the merits of nuclear power, meanwhile the rational Chinese government prepares for cheap CO2 free nuclear mass production.

Of course there is more to human government than economic or military power, and these concerns have to addressed as well.

Enlightened Policy Making and Education Levels

Heretics argue that within developed countries today, enlightened policy making often appears inversely correlated to democratic power. To understand this, consider the following extract from an article by Adam Posen deputy director of the Peterson Institute for International Economics:

"The irony for those who have been congenitally suspicious of excessive power being concentrated in Brussels is that the more the central body has had authority over economic policy, the greater the liberalising influence - whether it was the US breaking down barriers to interstate commerce or the Commission implementing the single market. Where and when the member states have retained dominance over regulation and enforcement, as in insurance or property in the US, or in state aid to favoured companies or professional certifications in the EU, the results have been illiberal and economically harmful.

"The alternative to a strong Brussels is not a decentralised free market and minimal government interference. It is greater political capture of economic policymaking and abuse of authority by member states and sub-national governments. Politicisation is more likely and more obstructive to market competition when done by local or member governments than when the federal authority has competence. Subsidiarity is in many cases an invitation to corruption, entrenchment of incumbents and horse-trading of handouts. Too many political veto points equals too many opportunities for extortion."


As the power for self interested voting is diluted policy improves - we see the worst policy at local level, better policy at national level, and the best policy at international level. At the heart of this argument the heretics are arguing that government policy is in fact mostly obvious, and democratic voting often encourages only ill advised self interested decision making.

Even some conventional thinkers have lost faith in democracy for Africa, and many now believe there may be a educational tipping point before which democracy can not thrive. In the late nineteenth century, the European imperial powers engaged in a major territorial scramble and occupied most of the continent of Africa, creating many colonial nation states, and leaving only two independent nations. The colonial governments were, of course, completely undemocratic as far as black representation was concerned. In the 1950s Tunisia was the first colony to win independence and Zimbabwe, in 1980, was the last. However, in South Africa & Zimbabwe the large white population developed a system of second-class citizenship for other races. This system followed the example of the Jim Crow Laws in the USA which circumvented having to give black people the power to vote in Southern States, introduced after the abolition of slavery and repealed in 1965. As a result the white South Africans were able to retain control until an equitable settlement was forced upon them by the prospect of civil war in 1994. Since the end of colonization Africa has failed to develop and in many case the standards of living are though to be lower than in colonial days. Despite democracy, constant tribal conflict, corruption in every politician and poor policy decisions have dogged the continent. More recently the advantages South Africa gained by having more sophisticated management of their country until 1994 appear to be coming apart. Remarkably, it appears that an authoritarian government of educated colonialists, set only upon exploiting the region for profit with little or no regard for the local people, offers the uneducated Africans a higher standard of living that democracy. Hence some are welcoming China's recent increasing involvement in Africa.

Heretics, however, cleverly argue increasing advancement may not help democracy as much as expected. Increasing levels of knowledge in society are, and will always be, accompanied by increasing levels of knowledge inequality. For example, Newton's three laws of motion are taught in today's secondary schools, but by contrast, the latest results in quantum physics are, and will always be, far beyond all but a handful. Such specialization is a natural product of advancement, it is not limited to the scientific world, and it certainly includes the world of economics & politics. In the democracy of Ancient Greece the citizens could have rolled up their sleeves and probably designed together a half decent new city, a new weapon or anything else. Today, however, communal thinking could not possibly improve the design of a modern rocket, a public transport policy or much else. Since democracy gives value to average thought, in an advanced society the elite thinkers on matters of economics and politics are likely to find democratic decision making increasing anachronistic. Interestingly, it is financial market traders and investors who have begun advocating authoritarianism, exactly as would be expected, since they are arguably the best (certainly the most highly paid) specialists in economic trends.

Liberal Authoritarian Models in More Detail

The orthodox argue that "power corrupts; absolute power corrupts absolutely", and only democracies are protected against these evils. Although democracies have in fact committed many evils, for example the killing of Native Americans and Aborigines, the orthodox argue that the risk of one all powerful dictator going bad is much higher. Corruption does not lead only to evil, it also, as Alan Greenspan and others have explained, inhibits growth.

The heretics acknowledge that authoritarian government has challenges but they propose solutions which they believe are workable. For example, today's authoritarian thinkers do not advocate rule by one all powerful dictator, especially not a dictator who cares about personal financial gain, or a dictator who rules for life.

The most radical models envisage a ruling council of well paid experts such as the Central Bankers, the IMF, the UK Judiciary etc. In the UK the hereditary and politically appointed Lords could be replaced with a small number of experts perhaps selected by an international institution such as the IMF. The role of the House of Lords and House of Commons could be swapped so that the elected representatives in the House of Commons would only have the right to veto and propose legislation. Imagine the House of Commons acting as shareholders and the Lords acting as management - "UK Plc". Government departments would be headed by House of Lords members rather than elected politicians. Alternatively the role of the House of Commons could be entirely abolished and the shareholder role could be achieved by democratic referendums.

Material corruption must be safeguarded against, but it is not the only risk. The extreme vanity seen in democratically elected politicians such as Nicolas Sarkozy must be avoided - these elite rulers should have only the barest contact with the media. Board members of public companies do not give unauthorised media interviews, neither should members of the council (besides ensuring against the corrupting influence of vanity, remember that fickle public reaction and focus on the human element ensures the old adage that 'all politicians end in failure'). China's leaders allow themselves to be seen but rarely address the public in emotive ways (The Prime Ministers high profile response to the Earthquake was a controversial exception). Such an auspicious group should be far less likely to commit evil than the masses, and also far more capable of tearing down bureaucracy and maximizing economic growth. Some worry that such an illustrious council would not give sufficient attention to the welfare of the poor, ignorant or lazy etc. However, this issue can be dealt with by feedback from opinion polls, then guidelines and statistical targets. Although the council would no doubt have a tendency towards Utilitarianism (pursuit of the greatest good without care for distribution), compromise is possible.

Injecting competition into rule is also vital - monopolies often stagnate and fail. The UK Judiciary is well known for it's humanity and lack of corruption, but some argue that it is slow to adopt new ideas or respond to change; eg deciding to what extent cherished humanitarian principles should be compromised by the publics increasing intolerance of crime. In addition to limited terms for council members, a constitutional requirement to experiment with policy can be built into government. For example: Is a free market in education supported by vouchers a good idea because it will raise standards or a bad idea because it will concentrate and amplify underachievement? Experimenting with policy and measuring the results is the only certain way to answer these questions. Competition amongst ideas followed by the measurement of their success also provides feedback on the quality of the council members. Thus the council can employ the same tactics as a corporation which promotes or demotes its employees on the basis of their successes and failures.

Liberal Authoritarianism has its roots in the idea that economic policy today is well understood by experts (but not by the masses). The advancement of society and the pragmatic resolution of the philosophically difficult socialism vs capitalism debate has made it possible. As a result the heretics sometimes envisage an almost global system of enlightened government devoid of nationalistic interest. In the same way that large corporations employ chief executives of any nationality and operate across borders some heretics imagine government working in a similar way. Liberal Authoritarian advocates often touch upon Cosmopolitanism (Cosmopolitanism is the idea that all of humanity belongs to a single moral community and may entail some sort of world government. Cosmopolitans are moral universalists: they believe that all humans, and not merely compatriots or fellow-citizens, come under the same moral standards. The boundaries between nations, states, cultures or societies are therefore morally irrelevant).

However, others argue that Liberal Authoritarianism is all about improving economic efficiency using economic expertise and it should interfere as little as possible with national moral preferences. Indeed frequent referendums for soft issues would help endear the public to authoritarian economic policy. For example: Should Euthanasia be legalised? Let the people decide. Should the names of Sex Offenders be published? Economists don't care. Should Tampons be subject to VAT? The fall in tax revenue can be made up elsewhere. Should the UK host the Olympics? Give the people the numbers and let them choose. However: Should the government be allowed to use compulsory purchase orders to knock down 500,000 existing homes and build something new? Ask for public input, but let the policy experts decide. Should we build Nuclear Plants? Leave this one entirely to the scientists and the economists - it's an important issue and public opinion here is worthless.

In fairness this idea of moral democracy and economic authoritarianism is more complex. Consider Healthcare. Political gridlock in the USA has left healthcare to the market and the situation is clearly economically undesirable with 16% of GDP (highest in world) going on care despite 25% of the population having no insurance. Universal healthcare looks like the best policy option even on economic grounds so at least this decision is easy. Now turning to the UK: Margaret Thatcher spent approximately 6% of the UK's GDP on healthcare before Tony Blair raised that to 8% much to the satisfaction of most voters. How should the rate be set in our liberal oligarchy? An economist could calculate the best spend by optimising GDP. Given access to antibiotics death / incapacity levels plunge therefore pushing growth upwards. However, many more expensive treatments are much less likely to be productive. Clearly this is the wrong metric - it's a moral issue as well. However, handing the emotional masses the decision could drive the level irrationally high (the odds of winning the lottery are pointlessly small but 70% of the UK public like to play; they simply can not grasp statistics). It's a very hard problem because we can not get at the utility curves for income vs heath easily - which is what the experts would try to target according to the constitution. Nevertheless, it's far more likely to be solved by a panel of experts and some experimentation than it is by popular political representatives.

Other ways to reduce the democratic element of UK government would be to: Delegate more responsibility to Quangoes - an independent treasury is a popular idea given the tendency of elected governments to run budget deficits. Remove TV & Radio from Parliament & Parliamentary Committees which makes Parliament less political and more intellectual. Punish misleading media coverage of important current affairs to ensure stories are fair and un-sensational. Add a multiple choice examination to the ballot paper and ignore uneducated votes. Give the party with the highest share of the popular vote complete power without the circus of representative voting (subject only to the constitution etc). Tony Blair came to power in 1997 wanting, amongst other things, to build Nuclear Power Stations. However, in order to win power he was forced to employ popular MPs able to attract the popular vote. Unfortunately street fighting MPs often prove poor technocrats, and his government was characterised by constant dissent and almost no radical reform was actually achieved.

Russia has achieved an authoritarian democracy by controlling the media. It's a interesting system because in the event of real incompetence, North Korea style, no amount of manipulation would prevent the government being ejected. In the meantime, however, the government massages public opinion in an intelligent direction, and it can also lift the public. For example, in the USA the FT reported that 30% of Americans believe, to some extent, in a September 11th CIA conspiracy theory. If this is the consequence of a free press, perhaps Plato would encourage us to find ways to constrain it. The complaint against the Russia system today is that media censorship may have been used to suppress even reasoned debate of government failure. Liberal Authoritarian models do not allow this. Control of the masses might be acceptable, but intelligent dissent must be allowed.